How Obama uses that mandate will determine whether he joins Roosevelt and Reagan as transformative presidents. Barack Obama has the advantage of taking office after eight years in which the United States largely ignored the views of its allies, as well as of its enemies, particularly on Iraq, but also on matters of trade, global warming, and the creation of an International Criminal Court.
After the Bush years, the bar for success is set exceedingly low, but the expectations of foreign countries may also be too high. That figure rose to 8 to 1 in several African countries, including Kenya.
Perhaps the most significant result came, however, from Palestine, where only 16 percent of respondents thought the election of either candidate would make a difference to their country.
Seventy-two percent of Palestinians stated that the election of either candidate would make no difference to their country and to their daily lives. We might measure the success of an Obama presidency, then, on whether a politician with a talent for building consensus can increase the optimism of Palestinians, as well as of Israelis, toward American foreign policy.
And, indeed, on whether an Obama presidency succeeds in giving citizens in the Middle East, Iraq, Afghanistan, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and other nations beset by war and genocide, poverty, and disease, the audacity to hope. Branch, Taylor. Parting the Waters: America in the King Years, — New York: Simon and Schuster, Carson, Clayborne. Cambridge, Mass. Chappell, David L. Crowley, Michael.
Davis, Frank Marshall. Edited by John Edgar Tidwell. Madison: Uni- versity of Wisconsin Press, De Zutter, Hank. Drake, St. Clair, and Horace R. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Fowler, Mayhill. Gates, Henry Louis, Jr. Hertzberg, Hendrik.
Horne, Gerald. The White Pacific: U. Jones, Tim. Civil Rights and the Idea of Freedom. New York: Oxford University Press, Kantor, Jodi. Lemann, Nicholas. New York: Vintage, Lizza, Ryan. Mendell, David. Obama: From Promise to Power. Mullen, Bill V. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, Niven, Steven. New York: Oxford University Press. New York: Crown, Obama, Barack.
New York: Times Books, Olopade, Dayo. Ralph, James R. Samuels, David. New Republic, October 22, Tayler, Letta, and Keith Herbert. Indeed, U. In March , however, as the long primary con- test against former First Lady Hillary Clinton dragged on, race suddenly leapt to the forefront of the national politi- cal dialogue. When video footage surfaced in which Wright, among other pronouncements, appeared to suggest that the United States had brought upon itself the ter- rorist attacks of 11 September , a media firestorm erupted.
It bears mentioning that much of the controversy over Wright and his sermons was driven by a mainstream media establishment that tended sometimes to overemphasize the contentious remarks of African American religious figures while ignoring if not tacitly excusing similar statements from conservative white evangelicals. The clips, which appeared first on ABC News but spread quickly to the other network and cable news outlets and to online video sources such as YouTube, were composed of short, spliced segments that were played, and replayed, without the benefit of context or elaboration.
Ambassador Edward Peck. The speech was widely viewed. Polls taken after the address revealed that a surprisingly large majority of Americans had either seen the speech or were aware of it despite the fact that Obama de- livered his address early in the morning on a workday. One, Douglas Kmiec, a former U. Bush, was moved to endorse Obama for president. Wright appeared only infrequently—and only in spirit—during the remainder of the presidential cycle.
Though issues surrounding race relations in the United States will remain salient for the foreseeable future, for at least one moment, Obama managed perhaps unwillingly to reintroduce a great many Americans to the idea that those issues are a part of our national life.
It is where our union grows stron- ger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the years since a band of patriots signed that document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins. The document they produced was eventually signed but ul- timately unfinished. Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution—a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.
And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to de- liver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part— through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk—to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.
This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign—to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together—unless we perfect our union by un- derstanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction—towards a better future for of children and our grandchildren.
This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own American story. I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I am mar- ried to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slaveowners—an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.
But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts—that out of many, we are truly one. Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all pre- dictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity. Despite the tempta- tion to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country.
In South Carolina, where the Con- federate flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African Americans and white Americans. This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the cam- paign. The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.
And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly di- visive turn. I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the state- ments of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy. For some, nagging questions remain.
Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church?
Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country—a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ide- ologies of radical Islam.
Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my state- ments of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask?
Why not join another church? He is a man who served his country as a U. And in that single note—hope! Those stories—of survival, and freedom, and hope—became our story, my story; the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel car- rying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world. Like other pre- dominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embod- ies the black community in its entirety—the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the former gangbanger.
The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias that make up the black experience in America. And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Rev- erend Wright.
As imperfect as he may be, he has been like fam- ily to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in deroga- tory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with any- thing but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions—the good and the bad—of the community that he has served diligently for so many years. I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community.
I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother—a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe. These people are a part of me. And they are a part of Ameri- ca, this country that I love.
Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse com- ments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork.
We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated racial bias. But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now.
We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about Ameri- ca—to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality. Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slav- ery and Jim Crow.
Legalized discrimination—where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African American business owners, or black ho- meowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were ex- cluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments— meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations.
And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods—parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforce- ment—all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us. This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other Af- rican Americans of his generation grew up. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations—those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or lan- guishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the fu- ture.
Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamen- tal ways. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends.
But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change.
But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races. In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community.
They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of stag- nant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my ex- pense. But they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a genera- tion. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition.
Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and con- servative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism.
Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle class squeeze—a corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that favor the few over the many.
And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Ameri- cans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recog- nizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns—this too wid- ens the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding. This is where we are right now. For the African American community, that path means em- bracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past.
It means continuing to insist on a full measure of jus- tice in every aspect of American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances—for better health care, and better schools, and better jobs—to the larger aspirations of all Ameri- cans—the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man whose been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means taking full responsibility for own lives— by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they must always believe that they can write their own destiny.
But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that society can change. But what we know—what we have seen—is that America can change. That is true genius of this nation.
What we have al- ready achieved gives us hope—the audacity to hope—for what we can and must achieve tomorrow. In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African American community does not just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of discrimination—and current incidents of discrimination, while less overt than in the past—are real and must be addressed.
It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams; that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper.
Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well. For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a poli- tics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle—as we did in the OJ trial—or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina—or as fodder for the nightly news.
We can do that. And then another one. And nothing will change. That is one option. The children of America are not those kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a twenty-first century economy. Not this time. This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life. This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag.
This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation—the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election.
There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had been working to organize a mostly African American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discussion where every- one went around telling their story and why they were there.
And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches.
Because that was the cheap- est way to eat. She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our cam- paign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too. Now Ashley might have made a different choice. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice. They all have different stories and reasons.
Many bring up a specific issue. And he does not bring up a specific issue. Now, as strange creatures begin to stalk Nate, he must partner with Tabitha, a local sleuth, to. A compelling, harrowing, but ultimately uplifting story of resilience and self-discovery. When Nate finds a tape recorder and note addressed to him in his new home, he is thrust into a dark mystery about a boy who went missing long ago, and must team with local girl Tabitha to uncover the truth.
This collection of poems is an easy read, meaningful, truly inspirational for all to enjoy. Each poem has its own inspirational message. Not only will you be inspired by each individual poem and its message of. When George Washington was sworn into office as our first president, he did not place his hand on the Declaration of Independence or the Constitution of the United States, as hallowed as those documents are.
In the face of systemic racism and state-sanctioned violence, how can we metabolize our anger into a force for liberation? White supremacy in the United States has long necessitated that Black rage be suppressed, repressed, or denied, often as a means of survival, a literal matter of life and death.
The occasion was a big birthday. And it inspired two close friends to get together for a talk about something very important to them.
The friends were His Holiness. He was so well spoken, intelligent, humorous! He truly worked towards unity. He did incite good, and hope, perseverance! What an amazing inauguration speech! It has not been the path for the faint hearted- For those who prefer leisure overwork or seek only the pleasures of riches in fame.
Rather it has been the risk takers the doers the makers of things some celebrated but more often men and women of secure in their labor we have carried us up the long rugged path towards prosperity and freedom. Decided I wanted to listen to previous President's speeches and Inaugural Addresses because our current President makes zero sense when he opens his mouth.
I've read transcripts of Trump's speeches and they are so incoherent it makes me cringe. I've only read one other address, Washington's Farewell, and it was so concise and meaningful, which is leading me to other important addresses. Obama's address is filled with hope, inclusion, and big plans.
Whether or not all of these ideas came to fruit Decided I wanted to listen to previous President's speeches and Inaugural Addresses because our current President makes zero sense when he opens his mouth. Whether or not all of these ideas came to fruition, his ideas and plans are full of looking forward to the future, celebrating America for the diversity within, and lifting up all citizens regardless of race, religion, sexual orientation, or gender.
Looking forward to seeking out other Presidential Addresses and speeches to see how they vary from year to year and how each stacks up to the others. I remember watching the inauguration back in , but I don't remember much of it beyond the hatred I saw being spewed online while I was watching the commenters on the streams.
Seeing that audible had the speech available, I needed to listen to it again. It kind of rings about the same as most presidential addresses. Inaugural addresses are supposed to be forward looking, positive, I remember watching the inauguration back in , but I don't remember much of it beyond the hatred I saw being spewed online while I was watching the commenters on the streams. Inaugural addresses are supposed to be forward looking, positive, and hopeful.
I guess it just hit different when I was younger and less realistic. And now my friends laugh because I'm obsessively optimistic and hopeful even now! This was from the book "THE U.
In all honesty this book was very touching. He talked about how being "Black" Doesn't matter when it comes to being a president. It was very nice how he wrote the book so it was straight from the source. He is still my favorite president and I wish we had more people like him. This talks about the Address he did in and what its like to be a president. Nov 11, Dennis Steussy rated it really liked it.
If you are needing some encouragement in this time of political chaos and you feel President Obama was a good president, then you would enjoy reading or re-reading his inaugural message on January 20, It will only take about 30 minutes to read, but it will leave with a good meaning about our republic and our democracy.
Nov 15, Jessica rated it liked it Shelves: not-so-boring-history. It's not an easy translation into picture book form. Nov 06, Alunafowler rated it it was amazing. This historic nonfiction book was presented to specificly highlight the night of the forty fourth president historic inagural speech. The words that the president spoke was inspirational and honest. He was mindful of the past while looking ahead to the future, President Obama's address conveyed a singular vision for a country united.
Brought to life in stunning paintings by acclaimed artist Greg Ruth, Our Enduring Spirit is a record of this vision and a tribute to all people with the promise, the determination, and the hope to make it so. This thin watercolor picture cardboard book is good to present to elementary and middle school students. As this book would be presented to a class, the students could identify what was meant by some of the cursive text.
For example, "risk takers", and "determination". Apr 16, Clare Masullo rated it it was amazing Shelves: text-set. This book is a published, illustrated version of Barack Obama's inaugural speech. His message is incredibly uplifting, and a great reminder to readers about what it means to be American. It helps in uniting the country by highlighting similar national beliefs that make us the country we are today.
I think this illustrated version is great for children in that they receive a contemporary view of our country, as told by our president in chief. Furthermore, the President touches on issues of equali This book is a published, illustrated version of Barack Obama's inaugural speech. Furthermore, the President touches on issues of equality and diversity, something all children need to learn in today's day and age. It is a very timely and effective read, with beautiful illustrations and highlighted text that draws attention to important words used in the speech.
Apr 15, Maria rated it it was amazing Shelves: 4-multicultural , 3-picture-book , 2-subject-story , 2-visual-reads. I love presidential inaugural addresses. They are full of hope and pride and passion. The inspire positive patriotism and camaraderie. The reveal our national ideals and aspirations and, hopefully, make us want to be better citizens.
That holds true for this speech from Obama when he first took office. The words brought tears to my eyes when I first heard them spoken, and again as I read them beside the beautiful paintings in this volume. I love the black-and-white figures in front of the colorf I love presidential inaugural addresses. I love the black-and-white figures in front of the colorful backgrounds, the strong brush strokes, the energy that comes through. And I enjoyed reading the story behind the book, as well.
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